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Book of the dead ka

book of the dead ka

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In Ancient Egypt, they believed that the human spirit was made up of five parts: Although all five were of importance, the Ba and Ka are of major significance.

The Ba is the most similar to the western idea of the soul, and the Ka is closely tied to it. As mentioned, the Ba is a notion similar to our concept of the soul; although, it has other aspects to it as well.

The Ba was seen as a collection of traits that made the individual unique such as a similarity to our concept of personality. Despite these similarities, the Ba is not completely interchangeable with the concept of the soul.

If an Egyptian believed that there was divine intervention with an event, it would be stated that the Bau of the deity was at work.

This also tied into the Pharaohs, as many of them were believed to be the Ba of a deity. This demonstrates the importance that the Ba played within Ancient Egyptian society and culture.

The Ba was seen as an aspect of humans that lived after the body died. It was depicted as a bird with a human head often flying out of the tomb of the deceased.

At times, the Ba was shown in corporeal form eating and drinking in texts. The Ba had an important relationship with the Ka, one that was of immense importance for the Ancient Egyptians.

Where the Ba was seen as the part that lives on after death, the Ka was seen as being related to life itself.

The Ka is the differing factor between the living and the dead as the Ka leaves the body upon death.

Egyptians believed that the Ka required sustenance from food and drink. This provided an explanation as to why humans needed to eat and drink to continue on living.

The title of "Book of the Dead" is usually given by Egyptologists to the editions of the larger work which were made in the XVIIIth and following dynasties, but in this Introduction the term is intended to include the general body of texts which have reference to the burial of the dead and to the new life in the world beyond the grave, and which are known to have existed in revised editions and to have been in use among the Egyptians from about B.

The home, origin, and early history of the collection of ancient religious texts which have descended to us are, at present, unknown, and all working theories regarding them, however strongly supported by apparently well-ascertained facts, must be carefully distinguished as theories only, so long as a single ancient necropolis in Egypt remains unexplored and its inscriptions are untranslated.

Whether they were composed by the inhabitants of Egypt, who recorded them in hieroglyphic characters, and who have left the monuments which are the only trustworthy sources of information on the subject, or whether they were brought into Egypt by the early immigrants from the Asiatic continent whence they came, or whether they represent the religious books of the Egyptians incorporated with the funeral texts of some prehistoric dwellers on the banks of the Nile, are all questions which the possible discovery of inscriptions belonging to the first dynasties of the Early Empire can alone decide.

The evidence derived from the. Maspero, and to his publication of the early religious texts, proves beyond all doubt that the greater part of the texts comprised in the Book of the Dead are far older than the period of Mena Menes , the first historical king of Egypt.

The earliest texts bear within themselves proofs, not only of having been composed, but also of having been revised, or edited, long before the days of king Meni, and judging from many passages in the copies inscribed in hieroglyphics upon the pyramids of Unas the last king of the Vth dynasty, about B.

We are in any case justified in estimating the earliest form of the work to be contemporaneous with the foundation of the civilization[3] which we call Egyptian in the valley of.

Compare also "dass die einzelnen Texte selbst damals schon einer alten heiligen Litteratur angehörten, unterliegt keinem Zweifel, sie sind in jeder Hinsicht alterthümlicher als die ältesten uns erhaltenen Denkmäler.

Sie gehören in eine für uns 'vorhistorische' Zeit und man wird ihnen gewiss kein Unrecht anthun, wenn man sie bis in das vierte Jahrtausend hinein versetzt.

See also Recueil de Travaux , t. So sind wir gezwungen, wenigstens die ersten Grundlagen des Buches den Anfängen den Aegyptischen Civilization beizumessen.

The oldest form or edition of the Book of the Dead as we have received it supplies no information whatever as to the period when it was compiled; but a copy of the hieratic text inscribed upon a coffin of Menthu-hetep, a queen of the XIth dynasty,[3] about B.

Wilkinson,[4] informs us that the chapter which, according to the arrangement of Lepsius, bears the number LXIV. On this coffin are two copies of the chapter, the one immediately following the other.

In the rubric to the first the name of the king during whose reign the chapter is said to have been "found" is given as Menthu-hetep, which, as Goodwin first pointed out,[7] is a mistake for Men-kau-Ra,[8] the fourth king of the IVth dynasty, about B.

Thus it appears that in the period of the XIth dynasty it was believed that the chapter might alternatively be as old as the time of the Ist dynasty.

Further, it is given to Hesep-ti in papyri of the XXIst dynasty,[10] a period when particular attention was paid to the history of the Book of the Dead; and it thus appears that the Egyptians of the Middle Empire believed the chapter to date from the more.

The date of Mena, the first king of Egypt, is variously given B. Zeitschrift , , p. To quote the words of Chabas, the chapter was regarded as being "very ancient, very mysterious, and very difficult to understand" already fourteen centuries before our era.

The rubric on the coffin of Queen Menthu-hetep, which ascribes the chapter to Hesep-ti, states that "this chapter was found in the foundations beneath the hennu boat by the foreman of the builders in the time of the king of the North and South, Hesep-ti, triumphant";[2] the Nebseni papyrus says that this chapter was found in the city of Khemennu Hermopolis on a block of ironstone?

Birch[5] and Naville[6] consider the chapter one of. It is one of the oldest of all, and is attributed, as already stated, to the epoch of king Gaga-Makheru or Menkheres.

The block of stone to which Dr. Renouf also holds this opinion, Trans. En premier lieu, le chapitre LXIV. By Khufu's command Herutataf brought the sage to him by boat, and, on his arrival, the king ordered the head to be struck off from a prisoner that Tetteta might fasten it on again.

Having excused himself from performing this act upon a man, a goose was brought and its head was cut off and laid on one side of the room and the body was placed on the other.

The sage spake certain words of power whereupon the goose stood up and began to waddle, and the head also began to move towards it; when the head had joined itself again to the body the bird stood up and cackled.

For the complete hieratic text, transcript and translation, see Erman, Die Märchen des Papyrus Westcar , Berlin, , p. Passing from the region of native Egyptian tradition, we touch firm ground with the evidence derived from the monuments of the IInd dynasty.

The offering of specific objects goes far to prove the existence of a ritual or service wherein their signification would be indicated; the coincidence of these words and the prayer for "thousands of loaves of bread, thousands of vases of ale," etc.

Wiedemann, Aegyptische Geschichte , p. In a mastaba at Sakkara we have a stele of Sheri, a superintendent of the priests of the ka , whereon the cartouches of Sent and Per-ab-sen both occur.

Some of these appear in the lists of offerings made for Unas l. With the IVth dynasty we have an increased number of monuments, chiefly sepulchral, which give details as to the Egyptian sacerdotal system and the funeral ceremonies which the priests performed.

Here we have a man who, like Shera, was a "royal relative" and a priest, but who, unlike him, exercised some of the highest functions of the Egyptian priesthood in virtue of his title xerp hem.

Among the offerings named in the tomb are the substances and which are also mentioned on the stele of Shera of the IInd dynasty, and in the texts of the VIth dynasty.

But the tomb of Seker-kha-baiu is different from any other known to us, both as regards the form and cutting of the hieroglyphics, which are in relief, and the way in which they are disposed and grouped.

The style of the whole monument is rude and very primitive, and it cannot be attributed to any dynasty later than the second, or even to the second itself; it must, therefore, have been built during the first dynasty, or in the words of MM.

Because there is no incontrovertible proof that this tomb belongs to the Ist dynasty, the texts on the stele of Shera, a monument of a later dynasty, have been adduced as the oldest evidences of the antiquity of a fixed religious system and literature in Egypt.

Many of the monuments commonly attributed to this dynasty should more correctly be described as being the work of the IInd dynasty; see Maspero, Geschichte der Morgenlänsdischen Völker im Alterthum trans.

Pietschmann , Leipzig, , p. The subsequent increase in the number of the monuments during this period may be due to the natural development of the religion of the time, but it is very probable that the greater security of life and property which had been assured by the vigorous wars of Seneferu,[1] the first king of this dynasty, about B.

In this dynasty the royal dead were honoured with sepulchral monuments of a greater size and magnificence than had ever before been contemplated, and the chapels attached to the pyramids were served by courses of priests whose sole duties consisted in celebrating the services.

The fashion of building a pyramid instead of the rectangular flat-roofed mastaba for a royal tomb was revived by Seneferu,[2] who called his pyramid Kha; and his example was followed by his immediate successors, Khufu Cheops , Khaf-Ra Chephren , Men-kau-Ra Mycerinus , and others.

In the reign of Mycerinus some important work seems to have been under taken in connection with certain sections of the text of the Book of the Dead, for the rubrics of Chapters XXX B.

He conquered the peoples in the Sinaitic peninsula, and according to a text of a later date he built a wall to keep out the Aamu from Egypt.

In the story of Saneha a "pool of Seneferu" is mentioned, which shows that his name was well known on the frontiers of Egypt.

Whether the pyramid was finished or not[2] when the king died, his body was certainly laid in it, and notwithstanding all the attempts made by the Muhammadan rulers of Egypt[3] to destroy it at the end of the 12th century of our era, it has survived to yield up important facts for the history of the Book of the Dead.

In Colonel Howard Vyse succeeded in forcing the entrance. On the 29th of July he commenced operations, and on the 1st of August he made his way into the sepulchral chamber, where, however, nothing was found but a rectangular stone sarcophagous[4] without the lid.

The large stone slabs of the floor and the linings of the wall had been in many instances removed by thieves in search of treasure.

In a lower chamber, connected by a passage with the sepulchral chamber, was found the greater part of the lid of the sarcophagus,[5] together with portions of a wooden coffin, and part of the body of a man, consisting of ribs and vertebrae and the bones of the legs and feet, enveloped.

After passing through various passages a room was reached wherein was found a long blue vessel, quite empty.

The opening into this pyramid was effected by people who were in search of treasure; they worked at it with axes for six months, and they were in great numbers.

They found in this basin, after they had broken the covering of it, the decayed remains of a man, but no treasures, excepting some golden tablets inscribed with characters of a language which nobody could understand.

Other legendary history says that the western pyramid contains thirty chambers of parti-coloured syenite full of precious gems and costly weapons anointed with unguents that they may not rust until the day of the Resurrection.

Raven, and having been cased in strong timbers, was sent off to the British Museum. It was embarked at Alexandria in the autumn of , on board a merchant ship, which was supposed to have been lost off Carthagena, as she never was heard of after her departure from Leghorn on the 12th of October in that year, and as some parts of the wreck were picked up near the former port.

The sarcophagus is figured by Vyse, Pyramids, vol. Now, whether the human remains' there found are those of Mycerinus or of some one else, as some have suggested, in no way affects the question of the ownership of the coffin, for we know by the hieroglyphic inscription upon it that it was made to hold the mummified body of the king.

This inscription, which is arranged in two perpendicular lines down the front of the coffin reads: As a considerable misapprehension about the finding of these remains has existed, the account of the circumstances under which they were discovered will be of interest.

In clearing the rubbish out of the large entrance-room, after the men had been employed there several days and had advanced some distance towards the south-eastern corner, some bones were first discovered at the bottom of the rubbish; and the remaining bones and parts of the coffin were immediately discovered all together.

No other parts of the coffin or bones could be found in the room; I therefore had the rubbish which had been previously turned out of the same room carefully re-examined, when several pieces of the coffin and of the mummy-cloth were found; but in no other part of the pyramid were any parts of it to be discovered, although every place was most minutely examined, to make the coffin as complete as possible.

There was about three feet of rubbish on the top of the same; and from the circumstance of the bones and part of the coffin being all found together, it appeared as if the coffin had been brought to that spot and there unpacked.

Or suten bat ; see Sethe, Aeg. Now it is to be noted that the passage, "Thy mother Nut spreadeth herself over thee in her name of 'Mystery of Heaven,' she granteth that thou mayest be without enemies," occurs in the texts which are inscribed upon the pyramids built by the kings of the VIth dynasty,[1] and thus we have evidence of the use of the same version of one religious text both in the IVth and in the VIth dynasties.

Even if we were to admit that the coffin is a forgery of the XXVIth dynasty, and that the inscription upon it was taken from an edition of the text of the Book of the Dead, still the value of the monument as an evidence of the antiquity of the Book of the Dead is scarcely impaired, for those who added the inscription would certainly have chosen it from a text of the time of Mycerinus.

In the Vth dynasty we have--in an increased number of mastabas and other monuments--evidence of the extension of religious ceremonials, including the.

See the texts of Teta and Pepi I. So far back as , M. Maspero, in lamenting Guide du Visiteur de Boulaq, p. Birch he was of opinion that the coffin certainly belonged to the IVth dynasty, and adduced in support of his views the fact of the existence of portions of a similar coffin of Seker-em-sa-f, a king of the VIth dynasty.

Recently, however, an attempt has again been made Aeg. But it is admitted on all hands that in the XXVIth dynasty the Egyptians resuscitated texts of the first dynasties of the Early Empire, and that they copied the arts and literature of that period as far as possible, and, this being so, the texts on the monuments which have been made the standard of comparison for that on the coffin of Mycerinus may be themselves at fault in their variants.

If the text on the cover could be proved to differ as much from an undisputed IVth dynasty text as it does from those even of the VIth dynasty, the philological argument might have some weight; but even this would not get rid of the fact that the cover itself is a genuine relic of the IVth dynasty.

In the time of Perring and Vyse it was surrounded by heaps of broken stone and rubbish, the result of repeated attempts to open it, and with the casing stones, which consisted of compact limestone from the quarries of Tura.

Maspero began to clear the pyramid, and soon after he succeeded in making an entrance into the innermost chambers, the walls of which were covered with hieroglyphic inscriptions, arranged in perpendicular lines and painted in green.

The inscriptions which covered certain walls and corridors in the tomb were afterwards published by M. Brugsch described two pyramids of the VIth dynasty inscribed with religious texts similar to those found in the pyramid of Unas, and translated certain passages Aeg.

Maspero's excavations have, as Dr. Maspero opened the pyramid Of Teta,[1] king of Egypt about B. Here again it was found that thieves had already been at work, and that they had smashed in pieces walls, floors, and many other parts of the chambers in their frantic search for treasure.

As in the case of the pyramid of Unas, certain chambers, etc. Thus was brought to light a Book of the Dead of the time of the first king 4 of the VIth dynasty.

The pyramid of Pepi I. The mummy of the king had been taken out of the sarcophagus through a hole which the thieves had made in it; it was broken by them in pieces, and the only remains of it found by M.

Maspero consisted of an arm and shoulder. Parts of the wooden coffin are preserved in the Gizeh Museum. They were copied in , and published by M.

Maspero in Recueil de Travaux , t. The broken mummy of this king, together with fragments of its bandages, was found lying on the floor.

It had been partially opened by Mariette in May, , but the clearance of sand was not effected until early in The full text is given by Maspero in Recueil de Travaux , t.

It was opened early in January, , by Mariette, who seeing that the sarcophagus chamber was inscribed, abandoned his theory that pyramids never contained inscriptions, or that if they did they were not royal tombs.

The hieroglyphic texts were published by Maspero in Recueil de Travaux , t. The alabaster vase in the British Museum, NQ , came from this pyramid.

See Vyse, Pyramids , vol. The hieroglyphic texts are published by Maspero in Recueil de Travaux , t. There is little doubt that this pyramid was broken into more than once in Christian times, and that the early collectors of Egyptian antiquities obtained the beautiful alabaster vases inscribed with the cartouches and titles of Pepi II.

Among such objects in the British Museum collection, Nos. It is easy to show that certain sections of the Book of the Dead of this period were copied and used in the following dynasties down to a period about A.

The fact that not only in the pyramids of Unas and Teta, but also in those of Pepi I. In the pyramids of Teta, Pepi I. What principle guided each king in the selection of his texts, or whether the additions in each represent religious developments, it is impossible to say; but, as the Egyptian religion cannot have remained stationary in every particular, it is probable that some texts reflect the changes in the opinions of the priests upon matters of doctrine.

What preceded or what followed it was never taken into. A development has been observed in the plan of ornamenting the interiors of the pyramids of the Vth and VIth dynasties.

In that of Unas about one-quarter of the sarcophagus chamber is covered with architectural decorations, and the hieroglyphics are large, well spaced, and enclosed in broad lines.

But as we advance in the VIth dynasty, the space set apart for decorative purposes becomes less, the hieroglyphics are smaller, the lines are crowded, and the inscriptions overflow into the chambers and corridors, which in the Vth dynasty were left blank.

See Maspero in Revue des Religions , t. That events of contemporary history were sometimes reflected in the Book of the Dead of the early dynasties is proved by the following.

Maspero, an interval of at least sixty-four, but more probably eighty, years. But in the text in the pyramid of Pepi I.

He who is between the thighs of Nut i. The full text from this tomb and a discussion on its contents are given by Schiaparelli, Una tomba egiziana inedita della VI a dinastia con inscrizioni storiche e geografiche , in Atti della R.

This text has been treated by Erman Z. That the pigmies paid tribute to the Egyptians is certain from the passage "The pigmies came to him from the lands of the south having things of service for his palace"; see Dümichen, Geschichte des alten Aegyptens , Berlin, , p.

The two beings who are over the throne of the great god proclaim Pepi to be sound and healthy, [therefore] Pepi shall sail in the boat to the beautiful field of the great god, and he shall do therein that which is done by those to whom veneration is due.

As the pigmy was brought by boat to the king, so might Pepi be brought by boat to the island wherein the god dwelt; as the conditions made by the king were fulfilled by him that brought the pigmy, even so might the conditions made by Osiris concerning the dead be fulfilled by him that transported Pepi to his presence.

The wording of the passage amply justifies the assumption that this addition was made to the text after the mission of Assa, and during the VIth dynasty.

Like other works of a similar nature, however, the pyramid texts afford us no information as to their authorship. In the later versions of the Book of the Dead certain chapters[4] are stated to be the work of the god Thoth.

They certainly belong to that class of literature which the Greeks called "Hermetic,"[5] and it is pretty certain that under some group they were included in the list of the forty-two works which, according to Clement of Alexandria,[6] constituted the sacred books of the Egyptians.

For the hieroglyphic text see Maspero, Recueil de Travaux , t. The whole question of the pigmy in the text of Pepi I.

Although these chapters were found at Hermopolis, the city of Thoth, it does not follow that they were drawn up there.

On the sacred books of the Egyptians see also Iamblichus, De Mysteriis , ed. Parthey, Berlin , pp. Ra, the local form of the Sun-god, usurps the place occupied by the more ancient form Tmu; and it would seem that when a dogma had been promulgated by the college of Annu, it was accepted by the priesthood of all the great cities throughout Egypt.

The great influence of the Annu school of priests even in the time of Unas is proved by the following passage from the text in his pyramid: Annu is , Genesis xli.

In reading Egyptian religious texts, the existence of the heavenly Annu, which was to the Egyptians what Jerusalem was to the Jews, and what Mecca still is to the Mubammadans, must be remembered.

The heavenly Annu was the capital of the mythological world see Naville, Todtenbuch Einleitung , p. The text is written in black ink in perpendicular rows of hieroglyphics, which are separated from each other by black lines; the titles of the chapters or sections, and certain parts of the chapters and the rubrics belonging thereto, are written in red ink.

A steady development in the illumination of the vignettes is observable in the papyri of this period.

If the name of Shu, the lord of the celestial shrine in Annu flourisheth, then Pepi shall flourish, and this his pyramid shall flourish, and this his work shall endure to all eternity.

If the name of Tefnut, the lady of the terrestrial shrine in Annu endureth, the name of Pepi shall endure, and this pyramid shall endure to all eternity.

If the name of Seb. If the name of Nut flourisheth in the temple of Shenth in Annu, the name of Pepi shall flourish, and this pyramid shall flourish, and this his work shall endure to all eternity.

If the name of Osiris flourisheth in This, the name of Pepi shall flourish, and this pyramid shall flourish, and this his work shall endure to all eternity.

If the name of Osiris Khent-Amenta flourisheth, the name of Pepi shall flourish, and this pyramid shall flourish, and this his work shall endure to all eternity.

If the name of Set flourisheth in Nubt, the name of Pepi shall flourish, and this pyramid shall flourish, and this his work shall endure to all eternity.

Originally the text was the most important part of the work, and both it and its vignettes were the work of the scribe; gradually, however, the brilliantly illuminated vignettes were more and more cared for, and when the skill of the scribe failed, the artist was called in.

In many fine papyri of the Theban period it is altar that the whole plan of the vignettes of a papyrus was set out by artists, who often failed to leave sufficient space for the texts to which they belonged; in consequence many lines of chapters are often omitted, and the last few lines of some texts are so much crowded as to be almost illegible.

The frequent clerical errors also show that while an artist of the greatest skill might be employed on the vignettes, the execution of the text was left to an ignorant or careless scribe.

Again, the artist at times arranged his vignettes in wrong order, and it is occasionally evident that neither artist nor scribe understood the matter upon which he was engaged.

Maspero[1] the scribes of the VIth dynasty did not understand the texts which they were drafting, and in the XIXth dynasty the scribe of a papyrus now preserved at Berlin knew or cared so little about the text which he was copying that he transcribed the LXXVIIth Chapter from the wrong end, and apparently never discovered his error although he concluded the chapter with its title.

The papyri upon which copies of the Theban version were written vary in length from about 20 to go feet, and in width from 14 to 18 inches; in the XVIIIth dynasty the layers of the papyrus are of a thicker texture and of a darker colour than in the succeeding dynasties.

The art of making great lengths of papyrus of light colour and fine texture attained its highest perfection in the XIXth dynasty.

An examination of Theban papyri shows that the work of writing and illuminating a fine copy of the Book of the Dead was frequently distributed between two or more groups of artists and scribes, and that the sections were afterwards joined up into a whole.

The sections or chapters of the Theban version are a series of separate and distinct compositions, which, like the sections of the pyramid texts, had no fixed order either on coffins or in papyri.

Unlike these texts, however, with very few exceptions each composition had a special title and vignette which indicate its purpose. The general selection of the chapters for a papyrus seems to have been left to the individual fancy of the purchaser or scribe, but certain of them were no doubt absolutely necessary for the preservation of the body of the deceased in the tomb, and for the welfare of his soul in its new state of existence.

Traditional selections would probably be respected, and recent selections approved by any dominant school of religious thought in Egypt were without doubt accepted.

While in the period of the pyramid texts the various sections were said or sung by priests, probably assisted by some members of the family of the deceased, the welfare of his soul and body being proclaimed for him as an established fact in the Theban version the hymns and prayers to the gods were put into the mouth of the deceased.

As none but the great and wealthy could afford the ceremonies which were performed in the early dynasties, economy was probably the chief cause of this change, which had come about at Thebes as early as the XIIth dynasty.

This name, however, had probably a meaning for the Egyptians which has not yet been rendered in a modern language, and one important idea in connection with the whole work is expressed by another title[2] which calls it "the chapter of making strong or perfect the Khu.

See Naville, Todtenbuch Einleitung , p. In the Theban version the main principles of the Egyptian religion which were held in the times when the pyramid texts were written are maintained, and the views concerning the eternal existence of the soul remain unaltered.

Many passages in the work, however, show that modifications and developments in details have taken place, and much that is not met with in the early dynasties appears, so far as we know, for the first time.

The vignettes too are additions to the work; but, although they depict scenes in the life beyond the grave, they do not seem to form a connected series, and it is doubtful if they are arranged on any definite plan.

A general idea of the contents of this version may be gathered from the following list of chapters[1]: Here begin the Chapters of "Coming forth by day," and of the songs of praise and glorifying,[2] and of coming forth from, and going into, the underworld.

The Chapter of making the mummy to go into the tuat [4] on the day of the burial. The various chapters of the Book of the Dead were numbered by Lepsius in his edition of tile Turin papyrus in This papyrus, however, is a product of the Ptolemaic period, and contains a number of chapters which are wanting in the Theban version.

For the hieroglyphic text see Naville, Einleitung, p. In some papyri Chapters II. The Chapter of going into, and of coming forth, from Amentet.

This Chapter has no vignette. A Hymn of praise to Ra when he setteth in the land of life. The deceased adoring Ra.

A Hymn of praise to Ra-Harmachis when he setteth in the western horizon of heaven. Another hidden Chapter of the tuat , and of passing through the secret places of the underworld, and of seeing the Disk when he setteth in Amentet.

Here begin the praises and glorifyings of coming out from, and going into, the underworld in the beautiful Amenta; of coming out by day, and of making transformations and of changing into any form which he pleaseth; of playing at draughts in the seh chamber; and of coming forth in the form of a living soul: The deceased playing at draughts; the deceased adoring the lion-gods of yesterday and to-day; the bier of Osiris with Isis and Nephthys at the foot and head respectively; and a number of mythological beings referred to in the text.

The Chapter of not allowing the heart of a man to be taken from him in the underworld. The deceased with his left hand touching the heart upon his breast, kneeling before a demon holding a knife.

The Chapter of not carrying away the heart of a man in the underworld. The Chapter of not allowing the heart of a man to be driven away from him in the underworld.

The deceased being weighed against his heart in the balance in the presence of Osiris, "the great god, the prince of eternity.

The Chapter of repulsing the crocodile which cometh to carry the magical words from a man in the underworld.

Two variants Naville, Todtenbuch , Bd. The Chapter of living upon the air which is in the underworld. The Chapter of living upon air and of repulsing the two merti.

The deceased attacking three serpents, a knife in his right hand and a sail in his left. A man holding a serpent. The Chapter of not allowing the head of a man to be cut off from him in the underworld.

The Chapter of not carrying off the place or seat of the throne from a man in the underworld. The Chapter of not allowing a man to eat filth and to drink polluted water in the underworld.

The Chapter of snuffing the air and of gaining the mastery over the waters in the underworld. A variant vignette of Chapters LV. The deceased holding a lotus; the deceased holding his soul in his arms; and the deceased scooping water into his mouth from a pool.

The Chapter of drinking water, and of not being burnt with fire. The deceased with both hands raised in adoration kneeling before the goddess Meh-urt.

One of the two variant vignettes shows the deceased in the act of adoring Ra, and in the other the deceased kneels before Ra, Thoth, and Osiris; see Naville, Todtenbuch , Bd.

The Chapter of being among the company of the gods, and of becoming a prince among the divine powers. The Chapter of changing into Ptah, of eating cakes, of drinking ale, of unloosing the body, and of living in Annu On.

The Chapter of opening the tomb to the soul and shadow of a man, so that he may come forth and may gain power over his legs.

The Chapter of making perfect the khu , and of making it to enter into the boat of Ra, together with his divine followers.

The beginning of the Chapters of the Fields of Peace, and of the Chapters of coming forth by day, and of going into, and of coming forth from, the underworld, and of attaining unto the Fields of Reeds, and of being in the Fields of Peace.

The Chapter of knowing the name of Osiris, and of going into, and of coming forth from, Re-stau. The words which are to be uttered by the deceased when he cometh to the hall of Maati, which separateth him from his sins, and which maketh him to see God, the Lord of mankind.

The hall of Maati, in which the heart of the deceased is being weighed in a balance in the presence of the great gods. The Chapter of the words to be spoken on going to the chiefs of Osiris, and of the praise of the gods who are leaders in the tuat.

The Chapter of making perfect the khu in the under world in the presence of the great company of the gods. The Chapter of entering into the boat of Ra, and of being among those who are in his train.

The Chapter of sailing in the great boat of Ra, to pass round the fiery orbit of the sun. The Chapter of kindling the fire which is to be made in the underworld.

The Book which is to be recited by a man for his father and for his son at the festivals of Amentet. It will make him perfect before Ra and before the gods, and he shall dwell with them.

It shall be recited on the ninth day of the festival. The Chapter of raising up the khu , and of making the soul to live in the underworld.

The Chapter of raising up the body, of making the eyes to see, of making the ears to hear, of setting firm the head and of giving it its powers.

The Chapter of coming forth from yesterday, of coming forth by day, and of praying with the hands. The Chapter of coming forth by day, of praising Ra in Amentet, and of ascribing praise unto those who are in the tuat.

The Chapter of going in to the divine chiefs of Osiris who are the leaders in the tuat. This resembles the concept of spirit in other religions. Because of this, Egyptians surmised that a shadow contains something of the person it represents.

Through this association, statues of people and deities were sometimes referred to as shadows. The shadow was also representative to Egyptians of a figure of death, or servant of Anubis , and was depicted graphically as a small human figure painted completely black.

Little is known about the Egyptian interpretation of this portion of the soul. As a part of the soul, a person's rn r n 'name' was given to them at birth and the Egyptians believed that it would live for as long as that name was spoken, which explains why efforts were made to protect it and the practice of placing it in numerous writings.

It is a person's identity, their experiences, and their entire life's worth of memories. For example, part of the Book of Breathings , a derivative of the Book of the Dead , was a means to ensure the survival of the name.

A cartouche magical rope often was used to surround the name and protect it. Conversely, the names of deceased enemies of the state, such as Akhenaten , were hacked out of monuments in a form of damnatio memoriae.

Sometimes, however, they were removed in order to make room for the economical insertion of the name of a successor, without having to build another monument.

The greater the number of places a name was used, the greater the possibility it would survive to be read and spoken.

It was associated with thought, but not as an action of the mind; rather, it was intellect as a living entity.

In this sense, it even developed into a sort of ghost or roaming dead being when the tomb was not in order any more during the Twentieth Dynasty.

It could be invoked by prayers or written letters left in the tomb's offering chapel also in order to help living family members, e.

Ceremonies conducted by priests after death, including the " opening of the mouth wp r ", aimed not only to restore a person's physical abilities in death, but also to release a Ba 's attachment to the body.

Egyptians conceived of an afterlife as quite similar to normal physical existence — but with a difference. The model for this new existence was the journey of the Sun.

At night the Sun descended into the Duat or "underworld". Eventually the Sun meets the body of the mummified Osiris. Osiris and the Sun, re-energized by each other, rise to new life for another day.

For the deceased, their body and their tomb were their personal Osiris and a personal Duat. For this reason they are often addressed as "Osiris".

The Book of the Dead , the collection of spells which aided a person in the afterlife, had the Egyptian name of the Book of going forth by day.

They helped people avoid the perils of the afterlife and also aided their existence, containing spells to ensure "not dying a second time in the underworld", and to "grant memory always" to a person.

In the Egyptian religion it was possible to die in the afterlife and this death was permanent. The tomb of Paheri, an Eighteenth dynasty nomarch of Nekhen , has an eloquent description of this existence, and is translated by James Peter Allen as:.

Your life happening again, without your ba being kept away from your divine corpse, with your ba being together with the akh You shall emerge each day and return each evening.

A lamp will be lit for you in the night until the sunlight shines forth on your breast. You shall be told: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

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